Huur

Bij de huur van een watermolen is beschreven dat de Bulkley´s iedere kerst recht hadden op een hen. Zouden de nazaten nu weer aan de Bulkleykip hebben gezeten ? LEASE for 3 lives, by the Rt. Hon. Hugh Lord Viscount Cholmondeley of Kells to Thomas Bulkley of Bickerton, gentleman --- his water corn mill in BULKLEY late in thetenure of Elizabeth Dodd, widow, and a parcel of meadow ground called the Mill hole; for lives of Robert Bulkley, Thomas Bulkley and Anne Bulkley, sons and daughter of the said Thomas, at an annual rent of 3/-, 1 rent hen at Christmas or 6d. and a heriot of 35/-. Cons. £25-1-0. Seal: red, illegible. Parchment.1689/90, 27. Feb

bulkley bijbel

Bulkley bijbel . In veel familie´s wordt er een familiebijbel bijgehouden . Geboorte en overlijden wordt er keurig in bijgehouden . Deze bijbels worden doorgegeven in de familie, maar komen ook wel eens terecht in een boekwinkel . Iedereen vindt het zonde om weg te doen ,maar heeft er ook geen binding mee. Deze bijbel is gevonden en de erfgenamen kunnen zich melden. Lees hier het hele verhaal. St. John's United Methodist Church's library is trying to trace the origins of an antique family Bible found in the church's offices. The leather-bound, gold-stamped Bible dates to 1870, according to interior markings, but none of the spaces provided for family information, such as births, deaths and marriages, have been filled in. The Bible was recently found atop a shelf in an office being cleared out for renovations in June, according to library volunteer Janel Poe. "It was brought to the library, and that's when it came to my attention, when I noticed it on our cart, and I said we need to find out about this because it's a wonderful discovery," Poe said. "It's in wonderful condition for something that old. The binding is so easy to damage, and it's so old, but it's intact." Asking around the church, a member said she had seen a similar Bible in the 2002 or 2003 Apple Festival rummage sale; it hadn't sold through the rummage sale at $25, and she held it back from the donations to a charity thrift store after the sale, thinking it belonged in the St. John's library. The Bible disappeared after that point. The best clue to the Bible's origins turned out to be a few vintage photographs tucked into the pages, Poe said. Loose in the front cover was an 8- by 10-inch portrait reproduction of a man, with a cursive signature no one could decipher, and in the back photo pockets were two original pocket-sized portraits of young women. All of the pictures were marked "Rockville, Conn." on the back. "Allen Riddick of the Aiken County Historical Society has been a great help; he suggested I get in touch with the Historical Society up there," Poe said. "I sent copies of the pictures and everything we had and got a nice letter back that starts out, 'Dear Janel, We got your packet today, and we became history detectives immediately.' That was in September. They found out the man is Morgan Gardner Bulkeley and sent me a lot of information on him." Bulkeley was a Connecticut businessman politician of the late 19th and early 20th century. He helped found the United States Bank in Hartford, and was the third president of Aetna Life Insurance Co., a position he held for around 43 years. He served as Hartford's mayor from 1879 to 1887, governor of Connecticut from 1889 to 1893 and U.S. senator from 1905 to 1911. But Bulkeley's connection to the Bible and its original owners is unclear. The photos of the two young women, being original photographs and placed in slots designed for pictures in the Bible, seem more likely to be representatives of the Bible's original home; but there is no clue as to those women's identities. To help generate leads, Poe enlarged photographs of the Bible and its enclosures, took them to Hobby Lobby for matting and created a bulletin board to put up in one of St. John's hallways. The Bible resides in a locked glass case on the main hall for safekeeping. "I'm trying to find out were these two young ladies part of the Winter Colony? How did this Bible get from Connecticut to Aiken? Was it a member of our church that gave us the Bible? We'd really like to know," she said. "We'd like to just tie it up. It's a wonderful adventure." Anyone with information on the Bible or the women in the images can contact Poe at 658-4541 or 640-1129 or email her at leepoe@mindspring.com. Suzanne Stone is a general assignment reporter at the Aiken Standard. Contact Suzanne Stone at sstone@aikenstandard.com, or follow on Twitter at #SuzanneRStone and on Facebook at Suzanne Stone | Aiken Standard.

Gedicht aan de weduwe Bulkley

Er zijn nog vrij veel publicaties over Marie Bulkley Bekking die we nog niet gezien en dus hebben en dus ook niet kunnen publiceren . Misschien kan iemand ons aan een digitale kopie helpen .

Titel: Gedicht aan Mevrouw de Wede. Bulkley ter gelegenheid van den verjaardag van haren kleinzoon Henry (Hoek) Scheveningen, 17 maart 1884
Jaar publicatie: [?]
Trefwoorden: Hoek, Henry William


Titel: Mijne vertrouwelijke gedenkschriften, naar waarheid door mij geschreven, ter mijner rechtvaardiging en verdediging, en opgedragen aan mijne bekende en onbekende vrienden ... enz.
Auteur: Bulkley-Bekking, M.C.
Jaar publicatie: 1891
Trefwoorden: Bulkley-Bekking, M.C.

itel: Iets over Longfellow's golden legend en de naamlozen
Auteur: Bulkley, W.
Jaar publicatie: 1876

Titel: Naschrift "Bulkley" of "A warning to wantons"
Auteur: Kretschmar, F.G.L.O. van
Trefwoorden: Bulkley, R.W.


Ook het boek van Jan Alle Bientjes hebben we nog steeds niet mogen aanschouwen .

Alfred VAUDOYER

Alfred VAUDOYER (son of Léon VAUDOYER and Mary-Anne BULKLEY)was born 13 Mar 1846 in Paris and died 10 Jul 1919 in Jouy-en-Josas (Ile de France)
He married (1) Marie-Félicie VIOLLET LE DUC.
He married (2) Geneviève BRÉTON on 08 Jan 1880 in Paris150, daughter of Louis Henri Antoine BRÉTON and Zélime Octavie Eugénie AUZAT.

Léon Vaudoyer

Léon Vaudoyer was the second husband of Mary Ann Bulkley
French architect. son of Antoine-Laurent-Thomas Vaudoyer, father of Alfred Vaudoyer, grandfather of Jean-Louis Vaudoyer.

Léon Vaudoyer (1803-1872) was, with Felix Duban, Henri Labrouste, and Louis Duc, one of the "romantic" Beaux-Arts architects who challenged both the authority and the philosophy of the French Academy in the years around 1830. The group's insistence on the relevance of French medieval and Renaissance architecture to contemporary design has earned them a reputation as prophets of the historicist point of view that has come to be a fundamental theme of progressive ideologies of design well into our own century. This first book-length study of the youngest member of the group provides a new interpretation of historicism in nineteenth-century French architecture. It addresses the relationship of historicist architecture to the political and cultural forces that shaped the urbanization and industrialization of the French landscape, demonstrating that architecture is not simply a reflection of such forces, but an aspect, even an instrument of them.

Léon Vaudoyer documents Vaudoyer's career and his major commissions, both his well-known works and several previously unknown designs—among them the Monument to General Foy in the Pere Lachaise Cemetery, the Conservatoire des Arts et Metiers in Paris, the lavishly polychromatic Cathedral at Marseille—along with unrealized projects for a new city hall in Avignon and a reconstruction of the Sorbonne.

This richly illustrated study also encompasses the career of Vaudoyer's father A. L. T. Vaudoyer, who was a key figure in the reformulation of the institutions and doctrines of academic architecture during the Revolution, Empire, and Bourbon Restoration. It explores the institutional settings of Vaudoyer's training and practice; the political strategies of his mentors, patrons, and clients; the constituencies that influenced the design, siting, and reception of each of his commissions; and the social and political programs of the institutions for which he designed.

William Oscar Wilford Bouwens Van Der Boyen

William Oscar Wilford Bouwens Van Der Boyen wordt geboren op 13 Sep 1834.
Hij trouwt met Flora Hélène Schott 29 december 1864 in Parijs en allebei zijn ouders zijn daar aanwezig.Net als haar ouders Léon Moïse Schott en Hélène Schloss.
In zijn huwelijkse acte worden zijn vader en moeder genoemd en als geboorteplaats Den Haag tot op heden geen doopinschrijving kunnen vinden .
Hier de huwelijksakte.

Op het internet vinden we veel informatie over hem .
William Bouwens van der Boijen, architecte néerlandais, né à La Haye (Pays-Bas) en 1834 et décédé en 1907.
Il est admis à l'Ecole des beaux-arts de Paris en 1853, où il est élève d’Henri Labrouste et de Léon Vaudoyer. Il quitte l'école en 1857.
Il fut notamment membre du conseil des Bâtiments civils, sous-inspecteur des travaux du Conservatoire des arts et métiers (exécutés par son beau-père L. Vaudoyer), inspecteur des Nouveaux octrois de Paris en 1859, inspecteur des travaux du 16e arrondissement de Paris suite à l'annexion des villages de Passy et d'Auteuil en 1860.
Ses réalisations les plus notables sont:
- l'hôtel particulier d'Henri Cernuschi au parc Monceau (av. Vélasquez) construit dans un style néoclassique (1873-1875),
- la villa Madeleine, ancienne villa Stéphanie, villa-castel construite à Houlgate en 1874 pour le banquier Jean-Jacques Kann,
- le siège central du Crédit lyonnais, 17-23, bd des Italiens à Paris 9e, construit à partir 1876 (plusieurs campagnes d'agrandissement poursuivies par son fils jusqu'en 1913), avec son fils Richard, Victor Laloux et Narjoux,
- l'hôtel Eugène Péreire, 10, rue Alfred-de-Vigny, parc Monceau, Paris 8e (1879-1881; détruit en 1960),
- la tombe d'Henri Cernuschi au cimetière du Père-Lachaise (1896).
Il est l'auteur de plusieurs autres hôtels particuliers à Paris, Londres et Francfort-sur-le-Main.
Richard Bouwens van der Boijen (1863-1939), fils du précédent, architecte, DPLG en 1892. Il est architecte en chef des bâtiments civils et palais nationaux et architecte en chef du Crédit lyonnais, dont il réalise avec son père l'agrandissement du siège social à Paris entre 1893 et 1901.
Il est auteur de plusieurs hôtels particuliers à Paris:
- son hôtel personnel 8, rue de Lota, Paris 16e, avec le peintre Albert Besnard (1898-1900), dont la façade est primée au concours de la ville de Paris en 1899,
- l'hôtel 6, rue de Chézy, Neuilly-sur-Seine (1900-1904),
- l'immeuble 27 bis, quai Anatole-France, Paris 7e (1905; grès de Gentil et Bourdet),
- l'hôtel 15, bd de Montmorency, Paris 16e, avec l'architecte Maurice Boutterin (1920-1921),
Il aménage, également avec Maurice Boutterin, l'hôtel de Coislin place de la Concorde, Paris 8e (1921).
Il est aussi architecte de la Compagnie générale transatlantique. À ce titre il participe dans les années 1930-1934, à l'aménagement du paquebot Normandie, en collaboration avec R.-H. Expert et de nombreux artistes, dont le sculpteur Carlo Sarrabezolles et le décorateur Jean Dunand.
Contenu du fonds
Le fonds est composé de quelques documents concernant:
- l'hôtel particulier Péreire, 10, rue Alfred-de-Vigny, Paris 8e, 1879-1881 (œuvre de William v. d. Boijen): une photo;
- la villa Thibault, 124-126, bd Maillot, Neuilly-sur-Seine, 1900-1931 (œuvre de Richard v. d. Boijen): un dossier plus important composé d'écrits, de doc. graphiques et d'une photo (la villa a été restaurée en 1935 par Pierre Barbe, et les documents sont extraits de son fonds d'archives).
Période couverte 1879-1931
Description matérielle 50 documents écrits, 75 documents graphiques.
Issu du fonds
Barbe, Pierre (1900-2004)
Modalités d’entrée
Les documents sont extraits du fonds Barbe, déposé par Pierre Barbe au centre d'archives de l'Ifa en 1990 (en prévision d'un don non confirmé par écrit).
Lieu(x) de conservation Centre d'archives de l'IFA
Conditions de reproductions
Pas de conditions particulières.
Mentions obligatoires en cas de reproduction
En cas de publication d'un document, les mentions obligatoires sont «SIAF/Cité de l'architecture et du patrimoine/Archives d'architecture du XXe siècle», éventuellement suivies de la mention de crédits figurant dans la légende du document (nom de photographe ou d'agence photographique). Le règlement de droits aux ayants droit du fonds et l'obtention de leur accord sont obligatoires pour toute publication (contacter le centre d'archives).

Anthony Bouwens van Boyen.

Anthony Bouwens trouwt met Mary Ann Bulkley .
In zijn huwelijksakte staat dat hij 34 is als hij in 1831 trouwt en geboren is in Groningen.
Anthony en Mary Ann krijgen een zoon in Den Haag in 1832 Richard Rich Robert


en een zoon William Oscar Wilford Bouwens van der Boyen 

Later volgt een scheiding

Anthony komt als getuige in Den Haag voor .
Anthonij Bouwens van der Boijen, adjunct Commies, 29 op 21 september 1826 bij de geboorte van Constantina Grada Catharina de Kokelaer Bouwens
Anthony Bouwens van der Boyen, Commies bij het Departement van finantien, 65
Cornelis Jacobus Denick Patijn, adjunct Commies bij het departement van finantien, 48 bij de geboorte van Johanna Jacoba Alexandrina de Kokelaer Bouwens
De vader is dan 72 !
Op 18/11/1865 hij is dan 68 jaar is hij getuige bij de geboorte van Constantine Eugenie Clazine Petronelle de Kokelaer Bouwens.
De vader Jan Hendrik de Kokelaer Bouwens is dan 75
En bij Sophia Johanna de Kokelaer Bouwens is Anthony inmidddels Anthony Bouwens ambtenaar en 70
Cornelis Jacobus Denick Patijn, ambtenaar, 53
De vader is dan 77 en bij de moeder Petronella Cornelia Hendrika Linneman staat geen leeftijd.

Huwelijksadvertentie

Mary Bulkley the actress

We komen een recensie tegen overMrs Bulkley in Covent garden

Mrs. Bulkley , who is a relation ot the late Mr. Rich, patentee of Covent Garden theatre, played all the former p:irt of her life at the house to which (lie may be said by right of inheritance to belong, and has only been one season at Drury Lane. She is mistress of an easy address, and has very much the manners of well bred people. Her speech is articulate, but her voice is deficient in power, and has a hardiness of tone; (he manages it however with great art. Her figure is elegant, of the middle size, and though she is neither * exceeding young or handsome, gives her a very pleasing appearance on the stage. Her talents have always made her a favourite with the town as an actress; and perhaps it is solely the defect of her voice that has kept her from being a performer of the first eminence in tragedy, as well as comedy. We have heard Mrs. Bulkley, when the house has been attentive, deliver Portia's celebrated speech on mercy in the Merchant of Venice, with so much propriety and feeling, that she has obtained universal applause. But a good voice ii one of the most necessary requisites of a good actor, the want of which, genius itself can scarcely supply. Colley Gibber, who was certainly a proper judge of these things, fays in his apology, " So strong, so very near indispcnfible is that one article of "voice in forming a good tragedian, that an actor may want any "other qualification whatsoever, and yet have a better chance for "applause than he will ever have, with all the skill in the world, "it his voice is not equal to it." Nor Oiould Mr. Cibber have confined his remarks to the tragedian; the comedian of humour must at least have a loud voice, and he who personates the lover or the man of sensibility, should likewise have a sweet one.
In the dearth of tragical actresses which has predominated lately at Drury Lane theatre, (Mrs. Siddons excepted) Mrs. Bulkley has been occasionally called upon to assist at the sacrifices of Melpomene; and though the reason we have just given, would not permit her to act as high priestess, she has held up the tragic muse's train with great decency. Her chief merit, however, consists in performing characters of a different kind: the coquet, the well bred or the fine l.idy, where the passions undergo no violence of agitation, and where ease and propriety are the great requisites, these afe the parts in which the most excells.

The Wager

Bulkley & the Speedwell survivors return to England

The thirty mutineers had an anxious time before eventually securing passage to Rio de Janeiro on the brigantine Saint Catherine which set sail on Sunday 28 March 1742. Once in Rio de Janeiro internal and external diplomatic wrangling continually threatened to terminally complicate either their lives, or at least their return to England. John King did not help. He formed a violent gang that spent most of its time repeatedly terrorising his former shipmates on various pretexts, who in turn spent most of their time moving to the opposite side of Rio to wherever King was. After many episodes of fleeing their accommodation in terror from King and his gang (who now referred to him as their 'commander'), Bulkley, Cummins and the cooper, John Young, eventually sought protection from the Portuguese authorities. Captain S W C Pack describes these events:
"As soon as the ruffians had gone [Kings gang], the terrified occupants left their house via the back wall and fled into the country. Early the next morning they called on the consul and asked for protection. He readily understood that they were all in mortal peril from the mad designs of the boatswain [King] and placed them under protection and undertook to get them on board a ship where they could work their passage."[45]
They eventually secured passage to Bahia in the Saint Tubes, which set sail on 20 May 1742, where with great relief they left the boatswain John King behind to continue causing criminal havoc in Rio de Janeiro. On 11 September 1742, the Saint Tubes left Bahia bound for Lisbon, and from there they embarked in HMS Stirling Castle on 20 December bound for Spithead, England, arriving on New Year's Day 1743, after an absence of more than two years.[46]
Events were also reported back to London from the British Consul in Lisbon, being covered within a general dispatch received in October 1742, which was summarised as:
"...Arrival of some of the castaways from the loss of H.M.S. Wager in the South Pacific. Were well treated by Portuguese at Rio de Janeiro, but sailors were mutinous against their officers. King of Portugal has had another seizure and his departure for Caldas is postponed... etc."[47]
Lieutenant Baynes, in order to exonerate himself, rushed ahead of Bulkley and Cummins to the Admiralty in London and gave an account of what happened to Wager which reflected badly on Bulkley and Cummins but not himself. This behaviour was not out of character, Baynes was a weak man and an incompetent officer, as has already been frequently referenced and recorded by all those who provided an narrative of these events. As a result of Baynes' report, Bulkley and Cummins were detained aboard HMS Stirling Castle for two weeks whilst the Admiralty decided how to act. It was eventually decided to release them and defer any formal court martial proceedings until the return of either Commodore Anson or Captain Cheap. When Anson did return in 1744 it was decided that no trial would proceed until Cheap returned. Bulkley then asked the Admiralty for permission to publish his journal, whereby the reply came to the effect that it was his business and he could do as he liked. He duly released a book containing his journal, but the initial reaction from some who read it was not what he expected, namely that he should be hanged as a mutineer.[48]
Bulkley found employment when he assumed command of a forty-gun privateer Saphire. It wasn't long before Bulkley's competence and nerve found him success as he tricked his way around a superior force of French frigates which his vessel encountered when cruising. As a result, Bulkley soon found his antics being reported in popular London papers and that he was a bit of a celebrity around town. He began thinking that it was would not be long before the Admiralty would offer him the coveted command of a Royal Navy ship. On 9 April 1745 however Cheap arrived back in England.[49]
[edit]The survivors of Captain Cheap's group return to England

By January 1742, as Bulkley was returning to Spithead, the four survivors of Cheap's group had now spent seven months in Chaco. Nominal prisoners of the local governor, they were actually allowed to live with local hosts and were left unmolested. The biggest obstacle in Byron's efforts to return to England began firstly with the old lady who initially looked after him (and her two daughters) in the countryside before his move to the town itself. All of the ladies were fond of Byron and became extremely reluctant to let him leave, successfully getting the governor to agree to Byron staying with her for a few extra weeks, but finally he left for Chaco itself, amidst many tears.[50] Once in Chaco, Byron was also offered the hand in marriage of the richest heiress in the town, although according to her beau "her person was good, she could not be called a regular beauty", and this seems to have sealed her fate.[51] On 2 January 1743, the group left on a ship bound for Valparaiso, whereupon Cheap and Hamilton removed to St Jago given that they were officers who had preserved their commissions, but Byron and Campbell were unceremoniously jailed.[42][52]
Campbell and Byron were confined in a single cell infested with insects and placed on a starvation diet. There quickly built a continual stream of locals visiting their cell, paying officials for the privilege of looking at the 'terrible Englishmen', people they had heard much about, but never actually seen. However, the barbarity of their confinement moved not only their curious visitors but also the sentry at their cell door, who allowed food and money to be taken to them. Eventually Cheap's whole group made it to Santiago, where things were much better, so good in fact that they stayed there on parole for the rest of 1743 and 1744. Exactly why becomes clearer in Campbell's account:
"The Spaniards are very proud, and dress extremely gay; particularly the women, who spend a great deal of money upon their persons and houses. They are a good sort of people, and very courteous to strangers. Their women are also fond of gentlemen from other countries, and of other nations."[42]
After two years, the group were offered passage on a ship to Spain, all of whom agreed to this option except Campbell, who preferred to travel overland with some Spanish naval officers to Buenos Aires and from there to connect to a different ship also bound for Spain. Campbell however deeply resented the fact that when Captain Cheap distributed a cash allowance from a sum he drew on the English consul in Lisbon,[53] he gave Campbell half that handed to Hamilton and Byron, because he was suspected, not of cavorting with Spanish ladies - this was fine - but edging toward marrying one, which was against the rules of the British Navy at that time. Campbell was furious at this treatment and he probably felt that the long and dangerous overland journey to Argentina worth it to avoid nine months cooped up with Captain Cheap on the voyage home. Campbell's exact words were:
"...the misunderstanding between me and the Captain, as already related, and since which we had not conversed together, induced me not to go home in the same ship with a man who had used me so ill; but rather to embark in a Spanish man-of-war then lying at Buenos Aires."[42]
On 20 December 1744, Cheap, Hamilton and Byron embarked on the French ship Lys,[54][55] which hastily returned to Valparaiso after the ship sprung a dangerous leak. On 1 March 1744 Lys once again set out for Europe, and after a good passage round the Horn, she dropped anchor in Tobago in late June. After managing to get lost and sail obliviously by night through the very dangerous island chain between Grenada and St Vincent the ship headed for Porto Rico. Here panic swept the crew after abandoned barrels from British warships were sighted floating in the sea, since Britain was now at war with France. After narrowly avoiding being captured off San Domingo, the ship made her way to Brest, arriving on 31 October 1744. After six months in Brest being virtually abandoned with no money, shelter, food or clothing, the destitute group embarked for England on a Dutch ship. On 9 April 1745 they landed at Dover, three men of the twenty who had left in the barge with Cheap on 15 December 1741.[56][57]
News of their arrival quickly spread to the Admiralty and Buckley. Cheap immediately made for the Admiralty in London with his version of events. A court martial was duly organised. After all he had been through and survived, Bulkley's life was once again in real danger, this time from judicial killing.[49]
[edit]The abandoned survivors of the Speedwell group return to England

Left by Bulkley at Freshwater Bay, in what is today the resort city of Mar del Plata,[58][59] were eight men who were alone, starving, sickly and in hostile remote country. After a month of living on seals killed with stones to preserve ball and powder the group began the 300-mile trek north to Buenos Aires. At this time their greatest fear, correctly as it would transpire, were the Tehuelche natives, who were known to live in the area. After a 60-mile trek north in two days they were forced to return to Freshwater Bay because they were unable to locate any fresh water. Once back they decided to wait for the wet season before making another attempt, but this again failed in May, this time due to a lack of food. They now became more settled in Freshwater Bay, built a hut, tamed some puppies they took from a wild dog and even began raising pigs. This relatively peaceful existence was disrupted when somebody spotted what they described as a 'tiger' reconnoitring their hut one night. Another sighting of a 'lion' shortly after this had the men hastily planning another attempt to walk to Buenos Aires (they would have encountered a jaguar and then a cougar).[60]
One day, when most of the men were out hunting, the group returned to find the two left behind to mind the camp had been murdered, the hut torn down and all their possessions taken. Two other men who were also out hunting in another area disappeared and their dogs made their way back to the devastated camp. The four remaining men now left Freshwater Bay for Buenos Aires, accompanied by sixteen dogs and two pigs.
They did not get very far, and once more, for the third time, were forced to return to Freshwater Bay where shortly afterwards a large group of Indians on horseback surrounded them, took them all prisoner and enslaved them. After being bought and sold four times, they were eventually taken to the local chieftain's camp. Here they were treated much better when he learned that they were English and more importantly were at war with the Spanish. By the end of 1743, after eight months as slaves, they eventually represented to the chief that they wished to return to Buenos Aires. This was agreed, with the exception of John Duck, who was mulatto and who the Indians felt should remain. An English trader in Montevideo, upon hearing of their plight, put up the ransom of $270 for the other three and they were released. On arrival in Buenos Aires, the governor flung them in jail after they refused to convert to Catholicism. In early 1745 they were moved to the ship Asia where they were to work as prisoners of war. After this they were thrown in prison once more and chained and placed on a bread and water diet for fourteen weeks before a judge eventually ordered their release. Then Midshipman Alexander Campbell, another of Wager's crew arrived in town.[61][62][63]
[edit]Midshipman Alexander Campbell's overland trek to Buenos Aires

Had Campbell known just how hazardous the overland journey would prove, he may have considered his sulky avoidance of Cheap's company on the ship Lys a trifling reason to take the alternate route home. On 20 January 1745 Campbell and four Spanish naval officers set out across South America from Valparaiso to Buenos Aires. Using mules, the party trekked into the high Andes, where they faced precipitous mountains, severe cold and altitude sickness. First a mule slipped on an exposed path and was dashed onto rocks far below, then two mules froze to death on a particularly horrendous night of blizzards, and a further twenty died of thirst or starvation on the remaining journey. After seven weeks travelling the party eventually arrived in Buenos Aires.[42][64]
[edit]Campbell and the Freshwater Bay survivors return to England

It took five months for Alexander Campbell to get out of Buenos Aires, where he was twice confined in a fort for periods of several weeks, however eventually the governor sent him to Montevideo, which was just 100 miles across the Río de la Plata. It was here that the three Freshwater Bay survivors, Midshipman Isaac Morris, Seaman Samuel Cooper and John Andrews were languishing as prisoners of war aboard the Spanish ship Asia along with sixteen other English sailors from another ship. Campbell's now confirmed conversion to Catholicism was to suit him very well. While his fellow shipmates were treated harshly and confined aboard the Asia, Campbell wined and dined with various captains on the social circuit of Montevideo.[42][65]
All four Wager survivors departed for Spain in the Asia at the end of October 1745, however the passage was not without incident. Having been at sea three days, eleven Indian crew onboard mutinied against their barbaric treatment by the Spanish officers. They killed twenty Spaniards and wounded another twenty before briefly taking control of the ship (which had a total crew of over five hundred). Eventually the Spaniards made moves to reassert control and through a 'lucky shot', according to Morris, they managed to shoot the Indian chief Orellana dead, at which point his followers all jumped overboard rather than submit themselves to Spanish retribution.[62][66]
The Asia dropped anchor at the port Corcubion, near Cape Finisterre on 20 January 1746, whereupon Morris, Cooper and Andrews were chained together and flung into a prison cell. Campbell however went to Madrid for questioning. After four months held captive in awful conditions the three Freshwater Bay survivors were eventually released to Portugal, from where they sailed for England, arriving in London on 5 July 1746. Once again Bulkley would be forced to confront, in his mind, dead men he had callously abandoned on a desolated coastline thousands of miles away.[67]
Campbell's insistance that he had not entered the service of the Spanish Navy, as Cheap and Byron had believed, was apparently confirmed when he too arrived in London during early May 1746, shortly after Cheap. Campbell went straight to the Admiralty where he was promptly dismissed from the service for his change in religion. His hatred for Cheap had, if anything, intensified. After all he had been through, he completes his account of this incredible story bitter with resentment thus:
"Most of the hardships I suffered in following the fortunes of Captain Cheap were the consequence of my voluntary attachment to that gentleman. In reward for this the Captain has approved himself the greatest Enemy I have in the world. His ungenerous Usage of me forced me to quit his Company, and embark for Europe in a Spanish ship rather than a French one."[42][67]
[edit]Court martial into the loss of Wager

Proceedings for a full court martial to inquire into the loss of Wager were initiated once Cheap had returned and made his report to the Admiralty. All Wager survivors were ordered to report aboard HMS Prince George at Spithead for the court martial. Bulkley on hearing this reacted in his typical style of being overly clever and devious. He arranged to dine with the Deputy Marshal of the Admiralty (the enforcing officer of the Royal Navy command) but kept his true identity concealed. Bulkley then describes how his prepared conversation with the Deputy Marshal at the Paul's Head Tavern in Cateaton Street, near St Paul's Cathedral, went thus:
"Desiring to know his opinion in regard to the Officers of the Wager, as their Captain was come home; for that I had a near relation which was an Officer that came in the long-boat from Brazil, and it would give me concern if he would suffer: His answer was that he believ'd that we should be hang'd[sic]. To which I replied, for God's Sake for what, for not being drown'd? And is a Murderer at last come home to their Accuser? I have carefully perused the Journal, and can't conceive that they have been guilty of Piracy, Mutiny, nor any Thing else to deserve it. It looks to me as if their Adversaries have taken up arms against the Power of the Almighty, for delivering them."[68]
At which point the Marshal responded:
"Sir, they have been guilty of such things to Captain Cheap whilst a Prisoner, that I believe the Gunner and Carpenter will be hang'd if no Body else."[68]
Bulkley then informed the Marshal of his real identity, who brought their meal to an end by immediately arresting him. Upon arrival aboard Prince George, Bulkley sent some of his friends to visit Cheap to gauge his mood and intentions. Their report gave Bulkley little comfort. Cheap was in a vindictive frame of mind, telling them:
"Gentlemen, I have nothing to say for nor against Villains, until the Day of Tryal, and then it is not in my Power to be off from hanging them"[69]
Upon securing the main players, trial was set for Tuesday 15 April 1746, presided by Vice Admiral of the Red Squadron James Steuart. Much of what happened on the day land was first sighted off Patagonia as recounted here came out in sworn testimonies, with statements from Cheap, Byron, Hamilton, Bulkley, Cummins and even King (who had also returned to England under unknown circumstances) and a number of other crew members.
Cheap, although keen to charge those who abandoned him in the Speedwell with mutiny, decided not to make any accusations when it was suggested to him that any such claims would lead to himself being accused of murdering Midshipman Cozens. This made what was to happen next much easier for the Admiralty. None of the witnesses were actually aware at this point that events after the ship floundered were deliberately not part of the scope of the court martial proceedings.
After testimony and questioning, all were promptly acquitted of any wrong-doing, except for Lieutenant Baynes, who was admonished for not reporting the carpenter's sighting of land to the west to the captain or letting go the anchor when ordered.
[edit]Aftermath

One of the main arguments put forward by the mutineers for their actions was that since their pay stopped on the day their vessel floundered, they were no longer under naval law. Captain S W C Pack, in his book about the mutiny, describes this, and the decision by the Admiralty not to investigate events after the Wager was lost in more detail:
"Their Lordships knew that a conviction of mutiny would be unpopular with the country. Things were bad with the Navy in April 1746. Their Lordships were out of favour. One of the reasons for this was their harsh treatment of Admiral Vernon, a popular figure with the public... The defence that the Mutineers had was that as their wages automatically stopped when the ship was lost, they were no longer under naval law. Existence of such a misconception could lead, in time of enemy action or other hazard, to anticipation that the ship was already lost. Anson realised the danger and corrected this misconception. As Lord Commissioner he removed any further doubt in 1747. An Act was passed "for extending the discipling of the Navy to crews of his majesty's ships, wrecked lost or taken, and continuing to receive wages upon certain conditions... The survivors of the Wager were extremely lucky not to be convicted of mutiny and owe their acquittal not only to the unpopularity of the Board, but to the strength of public opinion, to the fact that their miraculous escapes had captured the public fancy."[70]
Captain Cheap was promoted to the distinguished rank of post captain and appointed to command the forty-gun ship Lark, demonstrating that the Admiralty considered Cheap's many faults insignificant compared to his steadfast loyalty and sense of purpose. He captured a valuable prize soon after, which allowed him to marry in 1748. He died in 1752. His service records, reports, will and death are recorded in the National Archives.[71][72]
Midshipman John Byron was also promoted, to the rank of master and commander, and appointed to command the twenty-gun ship Syren. He eventually rose to the rank of vice admiral. John Byron had a varied and significant active service history which included a circumnavigation of the globe. He married in 1748 and raised a family, his grandson would become the famous poet George Gordon Byron. He died in 1786.
Robert Baynes' service records exist from prior to the sailing of Anson's squadron.[73] Upon his return to England after the Wager affair, he would never serve at sea again. Instead, in February 1745, before the court martial, he was given a position onshore running a naval store yard in Clay near the Sea Norfolk[74] where, apart from some reports of thieving, little else is recorded of significance.[75] He remained in this capacity until his death in 1758.[76][77]
Shortly after the court martial, John Bulkley was offered command of the cutter Royal George, which he declined, thinking her "too small to keep to the sea". He was right in his assessment as the vessel subsequently foundered in the Bay of Biscay with the loss of all hands.[16][78]
Alexander Campbell completes his narrative of the Wager affair by angrily denying he had entered the service of the Spanish Navy, however in the same year his book was published there was a damning encounter with him. Commodore Edward Legge (formerly captain of HMS Severn in Anson's original squadron) reported back that whilst cruising in Portuguese waters he encountered a certain Alexander Campbell in port, formerly of the Royal Navy and the Wager, busily enlisting English seamen and sending them overland to Cadiz to join the Spanish service.[79]

BULKELEY, John and John CUMMINS

A Voyage to the South-Seas, in the Years 1740-1. Containing a faithful narrative of the loss of His Majesty's Ship the Wager on a desolate island in the latitude 47 South, longitude 81:40 West

London: printed for Jacob Robinson, 1743. 8vo (7 11/16 x 4 3/4 inches). 8-page publisher's advertisement at end (2 neatly repaired tears in text). Contemporary speckled sheep, expertly rebacked to style.

First edition of "one of the principal accounts of the 'Wager'" (Hill), here with the rare publisher's advertisements.

First edition, published by Robinson with the authors' names given on the title page: both Hill and Sabin mention another edition published in the same year by Twig with a title that does not mention the authors' names. This latter edition is not mentioned by ESTC , and none of the bibliographies mention the publisher's advertisements.

The Wager was a transport and supply ship, part of George Anson's fleet of eight ships sent to harass the Spanish in the Pacific. She rounded Cape Horn successfully but ran aground on 14 May 1741 in the Guayaneco Archipelago on the southern coast of Chile. The present work (by the ship's gunner Bulkeley and the carpenter Cummins) records the "proceedings and conduct of the officers and crew, and the hardships they endured in the said island for the space of five months; their bold attempt at liberty [under the command of Bulkeley and the senior ranking officer, John Baynes], in coasting the southern part of the vast region of Patagonia; setting out upwards of eighty souls in their boats; the loss of the cutter; their passage through the Straits of Magellan; an account of their manner of living during the voyage on seals, wild horses, dogs, &c. and the incredible hardships they frequently underwent for want of food of any kind; a description of the several plates where they touch'd in the Straits of Magellan, with an account of the inhabitants, &c. and their safe arrival in Brazil, after sailing one thousand leagues in a long-boat; their reception from the Portuguese; an account of the disturbances at Rio Grand [sic.]; their arrival at Rio Janeiro [on 12 April 1742]; their passage and usage on board a Portuguese ship to Lisbon [which arrived on 28 November 1742]; and ... [the eight remaining survivors] return to England" (title page). David Cheap, the captain of the Wager, and John Byron, then a midshipman, belonged to a second return party which became the subject of separate accounts by Byron and others. An interesting side-effect was the change in Royal Naval procedures prompted by the events surrounding the wreck of The Wager : at the time, men who were serving aboard ships that were wrecked ceased to be paid from the date of the wreck. This allowed members of The Wager's crew to make the case that since they were no longer being paid by the navy, they were also no longer bound by naval discipline and therefore able to ignore the orders of senior officers. This prompted the Royal Navy to make it clear that the members of a ship's crew were under naval discipline even after a shipwreck and therefore liable to court-martial if they rebelled against their officers.

Hill (2004) 210; Howgego B-186; Sabin 9108.

#20747$6,000.00



BULKELEY, John, and John CUMMINS

A Voyage to the South Seas, in the years 1740-1. containing a faithful narrative of the loss of His Majesty's Ship the the [sic] Wager on a desolate island.... The second edition, with additions

"London, Printed. Philadelphia: Reprinted by James Chattin, for the Author", 1757. Small 8vo in 4s (6 15/16 x 4 1/2 inches). 17pp. list of subscribers. (Browned as usual, I3 holed). Contemporary marbled sheep, the flat spine divided into six compartments by double gilt rules, black morocco label in the second compartment lettered in gilt (damage to extremities), modern half morocco slipcase. Provenance: Mary G... and "William Denny Esq / Magazine" (inscriptions on the first two leaves); Daniel Remich (Kennebunk, Mass., inscription); American Antiquarian Society (Worcester, Mass., early blindstamp to title).

Second (first American) edition of this important account of a major voyage; the first such narrative to be published in the British colonies

First American edition of this primary source for information on the wreck of the "Wager" off the coast of Chile, beyond the Straits of Magellan. The ship, part of Anson's fleet, had been en route to harass the Spanish. Bulkeley, a gunner, and Cummins, ship's carpenter, led the small group of survivors through much hardship until they arrived safely in Rio de Janeiro and finally England, concluding a voyage that had lasted almost two years. Bulkeley later settled in Pennsylvania where he arranged for the publication of this edition (the first edition had been published in London in 1743). This edition is also valuable for the long list of colonial subscribers, as well as the narrative of Isaac Morris, one of the members of the Wager's crew left in Patagonia, which was not included in the first edition.

Evans 7859; Hildeburn 1519; Hill (2004) 211; Huntress 50C; NAIP w029694

#20276$4,500.00